Vol. They have found, however, that the negotiation process leading to equilibrium outcomes in this respect does not clearly line up with the rationalistic calculus decision makers are expected to go through in reaching these equilibria (Thompson 2010). Vol. 499, Annual Review of Political Science
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The observation that the same scientific evidence seems to have contributed to political polarization over the issue in the United States, whereas it appears to have generated a political drive for finding joint solutions in Europe, can be interpreted in this light (Bang & Skjærseth 2012). Rather, climate change is viewed as a large-scale problem whose political dimensions political scientists—in addition to scholars from many other scientific disciplines—are trying to understand with whatever analytical tools they can muster. Vol. But it ignores strong variation between political entities in how much they contribute to providing the global collective good of avoiding detrimental climatic changes.
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As noted above, two of the key obstacles in climate politics are high discounting of future benefits of adopting stricter climate policies today, and the distribution of costs and benefits of climate policy within and across countries. First published online as a Review in Advance on February 28, 2013 As noted by Oye & Maxwell (1994), who draw on theories of collective action and economic regulation, environmental problems are easier to solve when problem solving generates large benefits for a small group of actors (large benefits per actor) and the costs of problem solving can be dispersed over a very large group (small costs per actor). However, people tend to discount climate change–related damages that occur in the long term, and by implication also the benefits of climate change mitigation (Jacobs & Matthews 2012; we return to public opinion below). This problem-oriented nature of political science research on climate change makes many of its results policy relevant. Existing research offers systematic and empirically well supported answers that also point to institutional designs that could help in problem solving. -
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Vol. Vol. Concerns about the potential political fallout of unmitigated climate change have provoked an innovative research effort that has brought together conflict researchers and environmental policy specialists.
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2011, Wapner 2011) and call for reforms and greater centralization of governance structures (Gehring & Oberthur 2009; Biermann et al. 597, Annual Review of Environment and Resources
Individuals, firms, and other actors externalize parts of their production and consumption costs by “exporting” emissions into the atmosphere, where they spread around the globe. A database cluster is comprised of one primary node and its standby nodes. Vol. 113, Annual Review of Resource Economics
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Vol. McLean & Stone (2012), for instance, consider European leadership in joining the KP as an example of “Europeanization,” wherein EU countries ratify in lockstep and leader countries are pulling the laggards along through selective incentives (e.g., the prospect of EU accession; see also Schreurs & Tiberghien 2007).
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Standby nodes are copies of the primary node that automatically take over if the primary node fails. Vol. 13:
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Finally, sensitivity (potential damage) and vulnerability (damage after adaptation) of countries to climatic changes differ strongly. Figure 1 Global temperature changes since 1800. 2012a, Böhmelt et al. Vol. -
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2013). Vol. 439
They claimed that environmental degradation contributed to political violence (Homer-Dixon 1991, 1999; Spillmann & Baechler 1995).
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